President Donald Trump has ignited a nationwide push for redistricting, urging Texas Republicans to draw five additional congressional seats for the GOP ahead of the upcoming elections.
In light of this, Democratic and Republican leaders from at least seven other states are expressing openness to redrawing political boundaries in a bid to strengthen their respective parties’ hold on the U.S. House of Representatives.
However, the implications and feasibility of redistricting efforts vary significantly by state, influenced by each state’s constitutional language and laws governing the redistricting process.
With the clock ticking down to the 2026 midterms, the urgency to establish new maps has led various reporters across the NPR Network to provide insights into their state’s redistricting efforts.
In Texas, the epicenter of this nationwide redistricting conversation, Republican Governor Greg Abbott has committed to advancing a new congressional map as per Trump’s suggestion.
To counteract these maneuvers, the majority of House Democrats have disrupted the legislative process by leaving the state, dispersing across the nation to avoid a quorum.
Despite their absence, Texas Republicans are determined to conclude the current special session and promptly initiate another one.
Democrats are pressing for the session’s focus to be on addressing the needs of Hill Country flood victims before any discussions on the political map.
In response to these demands, Abbott took to social media, labeling the situation as embarrassing and encouraging Democrats to return and engage in the legislative battle like true Texans.
Meanwhile, in California, Governor Gavin Newsom is spearheading an initiative to place the redistricting dispute directly in the hands of the voters via a special election slated for November 4.
With the backing of state legislature Democrats, Newsom seeks to redraw California’s congressional maps to gain five additional U.S. House seats.
More than ten years ago, California transferred redistricting authority to an independent commission, which means that Newsom’s plan hinges on voter approval.
The state legislature will reconvene on August 18, with a tight deadline until August 22 to place a redistricting measure on the ballot.
The proposed map is expected to be unveiled soon.
Newsom has emphasized that the new boundaries would only be implemented if other Republican-led states continue their gerrymandering activities.
“It wasn’t our decision to be here; we are trying to defend democracy as opposed to see it destroyed district by district,” Newsom remarked last Friday.
Conversely, opposition to Newsom’s redistricting push comes from Republicans as well as pro-democracy and good government advocacy groups.
Former Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, a key figure behind the move toward independent redistricting, has also voiced his disapproval of Newsom’s gambit, according to spokesperson Daniel Ketchall.
In Missouri, lawmakers might reconvene in the fall to consider altering the district representation of Democratic Rep. Emanuel Cleaver’s Kansas City-based district.
Contrary to popular belief, Republicans hold the capability to modify Cleaver’s district into a reliable Republican stronghold.
Republicans have been candid about their intentions, aiming to thwart any Democratic resurgence in the U.S. House.
Senate President Pro Tem Cindy O’Laughlin, a Republican, expressed on social media her belief that President Trump’s efforts have steered the nation away from the damaging direction prompted by the Biden administration.
However, questions linger around whether any new map would withstand judicial scrutiny, with legal experts pointing out that the constitution mandates redistricting only post-decenial census, without explicit provisions for mid-cycle adjustments.
In Ohio, the situation is somewhat unique as it is the only state positioned for a mid-decade redraw of its congressional lines.
This circumstance arises from 2018 reforms that necessitate bipartisan agreement on redistricting plans—a requirement that previously went unmet in the last round of redistricting.
As national Republicans look to increase their tally by two to three seats in Ohio, the focus shifts to vulnerable Democratic incumbents such as Marcy Kaptur and Emilia Sykes.
To gain additional Republican ground, district lines would likely need to extend into Cincinnati, which presents a considerable challenge.
According to the Ohio Constitution, a 60% legislative majority must endorse any redistricting proposal by the end of September.
If a consensus isn’t achieved, the Ohio Redistricting Commission will take charge of the process, with a final deadline looming in November.
The commission is dominated by Republican members and holds the authority to propose new maps after the failure of previous iterations upheld by the state’s highest court in 2021.
Presently, Ohio’s congressional delegation comprises 10 Republican and five Democratic representatives.
In New York, the state constitution explicitly prohibits gerrymandering and confines redistricting to the decadal census, implying that any changes before the next census would require a successful court challenge to invalidate the existing map.
State Senator Michael Gianaris has introduced a resolution aimed at amending the state constitution to facilitate more flexibility in the redistricting process.
Amending the constitution necessitates passage by two consecutive sets of lawmakers, along with voter approval, which means that such changes might not materialize until as late as 2027.
Yet, Gianaris remains determined, stating, “I don’t think this is a one-off, that Texas is doing this now and we won’t hear about it again.
I think it would make sense for New York to change our process so we can be players.”
Governor Kathy Hochul is also considering her options, expressing interest in potentially abolishing the state’s Independent Redistricting Commission to grant more authority to Democratic leaders.
As it stands, the state has 19 Democrats and seven Republicans within its U.S. House delegation, with the current map formed by a court-appointed specialist after litigation from Republicans aiming to discard a Democrat-created map.
In Illinois, Governor JB Pritzker is keeping the redistricting dialogue open while hosting over two dozen Texas House Democrats in suburban Chicago.
“Sure, we could redistrict. It’s possible,” he stated recently, but it remains an arduous task to create an additional Democratic seat in Illinois.
Following the population decline post-2020 census, Illinois lost a congressional seat, prompting Democrats to draw a map designed to oust two Republican representatives while crafting a new Democratic-leaning district.
Currently, the state’s congressional delegation consists of 14 Democrats and three Republicans, with those three districts strongly favoring Republican candidates—two of which supported Trump by over 40 points in the 2024 election.
Despite political hurdles, congressional candidates have a cutoff to file for candidacy on November 3, setting a tight timeline for any modifications to the existing maps.
However, Illinois state lawmakers seem disinclined toward redistricting initiatives, as leaders from both the Illinois House and Senate have stated that there are no ongoing discussions regarding the topic.
House Republican Leader Tony McCombie believes that Pritzker lacks the political capital needed to enforce a redistricting overhaul, emphasizing that Democratic supermajorities have already thwarted several of his legislative objectives.
In Indiana, Vice President J.D. Vance recently convened with Republican Governor Mike Braun and other party leaders in Indianapolis to deliberate on redistricting state congressional lines favorably for Republicans.
Braun remained vague about potential outcomes, only noting that he and other legislative leaders had “listened” to the discussions.
The Indiana Constitution, under Article 4, Section 5, restricts redistricting of state legislative maps to a year or two post-census.
State law governs changes to congressional district lines and allows for adjustments during the first regular legislative session following the census, though altering the state law is more feasible for the Republican supermajority than changing the state constitution.
Democratic U.S. Rep. Frank Mrvan, one of the stakeholders who could be adversely affected by any changes, urged state Republican leaders to uphold integrity in the process, insisting, “no matter what district they put me in, I will fight for working-class people.
Lastly, in Florida, House Speaker Daniel Perez is establishing a select committee on redistricting, which will investigate the ramifications surrounding the Fair Districts Amendments embedded in the state constitution.
Originally enacted in 2010, these amendments prohibit gerrymandering based on political motives and mandate that district lines be drawn equitably for minorities to elect representatives of their choice.
In the wake of a 2022 congressional map legislation that effectively divided a North Florida district held by a Black Democrat, the Florida Supreme Court recently upheld this map while also recognizing that the prior arrangement likely represented race-based gerrymandering, infringing upon federal equal rights protections.
This ruling has left many questioning the future enforceability of the Fair Districts Amendments, a matter that Speaker Perez announced would be scrutinized by his committee.
Governor Ron DeSantis has indicated that he believes other aspects of the current congressional map similarly harbor racial gerrymandering concerns.
In response to these statewide discussions, Democratic representatives like Michele Rayner are vocal in their opposition, criticizing the committee’s actions as a gambit that jeopardizes the foundation of democracy.
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