As the 2025 local elections approach, particularly the mayoral race, substantial financial contributions from local campaigns have garnered significant attention. Candidates are collecting hundreds of thousands of dollars in their bid to assume the role of the next mayor of City Hall.
However, the financial landscape of local elections encompasses more than just the reported contributions to these official campaigns.
A key player in this financial dynamic is independent expenditures (IEs), which function as New York’s local variation of Super PACs.
Ostensibly separate from candidates’ official campaigns, these outside groups invest in a range of promotional mediums, including flyers, television spots, radio ads, and merchandise, all in an effort to promote a particular candidate or issue.
As of mid-April 2025, only four city-registered IEs have emerged, with just one dedicated to supporting a mayoral candidate.
The group “Fix the City” is backing former Governor Andrew Cuomo, boasting $4.9 million in contributions to date, with plans to raise an impressive $15 million.
Another notable IE, “Affordable New York,” is linked to the vacation rental company Airbnb, and currently has $5 million earmarked for local races.
Understanding the role of these independent groups is essential for grasping how significant financial resources can sway local elections.
If you’re aware of what to look for, you can trace how these groups influence campaigns — almost literally.
So, what is an independent expenditure and why should it matter to you?
An independent expenditure refers to the spending by individuals or groups on behalf of a candidate or political cause.
John Kaehny, executive director of the watchdog group Reinvent Albany, explains that this allows special interest groups or affluent individuals to create a political spending account and utilize those funds to express their political preferences.
IEs operate much like Super PACs on the national stage, where organizations can raise and spend unlimited funds to shape campaign outcomes, a situation made possible by the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2010 ruling in “Citizens United.”
This ruling established that “money is speech,” suggesting that government cannot impose restrictions on a person’s spending capacities.
While candidates face limits on their fundraising and expenditure capabilities, private individuals and organizations are unrestricted as per the ruling.
In New York, it is explicitly illegal for IEs to coordinate or associate with an official campaign or candidate in any manner.
Despite the Fix the City group’s open support for Cuomo and its objective to aid his campaign, it must refrain from any official dialogue or collaboration with his team.
However, the enforcement of these rules remains a complex challenge.
Kaehny points out that defining what constitutes coordination is virtually impossible in practical terms.
Typically, the people managing these independent expenditure groups have previous close ties to the candidates they support, as is the case with the pro-Cuomo organization Fix the City, whose leadership comprises several of Cuomo’s former advisors.
The city’s Campaign Finance Board is tasked with enforcing these coordination regulations, which carry a penalty of $10,000 for each infraction.
It is crucial for voters to be aware of IEs, as they wield considerable financial resources capable of significantly impacting election outcomes.
These independent groups can permeate various platforms, deploying funds for digital ads that populate social media, making phone calls to voters, or securing ad spots on television during major sporting events.
Tim Hunter, spokesperson for the Campaign Finance Board, assures the public that IEs must disclose their expenditures and provide transparency regarding how much they raise and the nature of their public communications.
If you’re curious about when and where independent money is utilized in your local elections, there’s a straightforward way to find out.
The term “dark money,” often associated with national-level Super PACs, denotes funds that are challenging to trace.
However, in New York, tracking the finances of independent expenditures is facilitated by robust disclosure laws.
IEs are obligated not just to report their expenditure activities but also to name their principal financial backers.
For instance, in 2021, an investigative report from THE CITY highlighted Walmart heiress Alice Walton’s considerable contributions to the pro-charter school independent expenditure, New Yorkers for a Balanced Albany, aimed at influencing a special election in the Bronx.
Local political figures such as James Dolan, owner of the Knicks and Madison Square Garden, also feature in this landscape, having multiple independent expenditures under his name, funded by himself and his company executives.
The Campaign Finance Board maintains a database which logs all independent expenditure activities.
This database not only showcases their spending practices but also reveals the individuals at the helm of these IEs, alongside the ways they communicate with voters.
It includes public records such as scripts for digital ads, images of campaign flyers, and photographs of merchandise created for special elections, such as the 2021 Queens City Council campaign won by James Gennaro.
All communications funded by an IE must prominently display a “paid for by” notice.
According to Hunter, this disclosure must meet clear visibility requirements.
The notice should be straightforward, easy to read, and presented within a conspicuous box.
Additionally, if the message is delivered verbally, the same information must be presented clearly to the audience so that they are fully informed about who is financing the message.
When examining campaign literature or advertisements, it’s essential to check the fine print diligently to identify whether an IE financed a specific communication.
This is where you will find the “paid for by” tag.
The tag must list the name of the independent expenditure committee, its top officers, the primary contributors, and a link to the CFB’s Follow the Money database, which is accessible at nyc.gov/followthemoney.
A critical point to note is that a significant amount of campaign material and advertisements may be directly sourced from the candidates’ official campaigns themselves.
These too will bear a “paid for by” line, but they will lack the accompanying “Follow the Money” link.
Clicking on the “Follow the Money” link will redirect voters to the CFB’s database, detailing all current expenditures from independent groups.
This site also features an informative video and a FAQ section that elucidates what IEs are and their operational mechanics.
Unveiling the motives or affiliations of independent expenditure groups presents another layer of complexity.
While you can utilize the city database to gather fundamental information, identifying a group’s motivations — especially those advocating for issues rather than a candidate — is less straightforward.
As Kaehny notes, numerous IEs have rather ambiguous names.
Examples of these include Fix the City, Affordable New York, and Safe Together New York Inc., backed by cosmetics millionaire Ronald Lauder.
This ambiguity necessitates some investigative effort on your part.
Once you’ve identified the name of the organization funding the advertisements or mailers, conduct a quick internet search or check local news outlets for additional insights.
This could yield revealing information regarding their objectives or motivations.
Prominent groups you may encounter frequently involve those financed by real estate factions, such as Common Sense NYC, or organizations advocating for charter schools, like New Yorkers for a Balanced Albany.
Be aware, independent expenditures often target specific issues rather than just a particular candidate.
For example, they might advocate for candidates with defined environmental agendas or those endorsing charter school initiatives.
The relevance of this information to you personally will depend on your individual stance regarding these issues as well as your perspective on the influence of external financing in local elections.
If you haven’t seen significant campaign literature or advertisements infiltrating your neighborhood yet, you’re not alone.
Typically, the bombardment of campaign materials from independent expenditures intensifies as the election date draws closer.
“That’s your peak get-out-the-vote time.
That’s when you start seeing a lot more campaign spending in general,” notes Hunter.
Many residents may remain unaware of forthcoming elections until just a week prior to them.
The Campaign Finance Board currently updates its independent expenditure database weekly, but will increase the frequency to daily updates starting June 11.
Keep in mind that IEs only become visible in the CFB database once they’ve spent $1,000 or above.
Consequently, active IEs could be in the fundraising phase without appearing in the records for weeks or months until they commence significant spending.
In summary, here’s how you can effectively navigate the world of independent expenditures in the lead-up to the 2025 election:
Inspect the fine print of political ads and familiarize yourself with their origins.
Utilize nyc.gov/FollowTheMoney to uncover funding sources and expenditures related to local political ads and flyers.
Identify the independent expenditure groups and their leading financial backers.
Conduct quick online searches to uncover their underlying intentions.
Keep this vital knowledge at the forefront as you prepare to cast your vote in the upcoming June 24 primary.
This article draws from previously published pieces by THE CITY concerning independent expenditures during the 2021 campaign period.
If you have further questions about funding in local politics or any other aspects of the 2025 race, feel free to reach out to THE CITY’s newsroom by emailing [email protected].
image source from：https://www.thecity.nyc/2025/04/17/independent-expenditures-political-money-guide-elections/
