The assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in 2021 marked a pivotal moment for Haiti, heralding the collapse of state authority and governance.
In the absence of an elected government, an unelected, US-backed Transitional Presidential Council now runs the country.
This Council, composed of nine members, was established with the goal of preparing Haiti for its first free elections since 2016 but has become mired in infighting and corruption.
As a consequence, over 200 gangs operate across Haiti, primarily in the Ouest department, with about 20 gangs active in the capital, Port-au-Prince alone.
These gangs, some connected to political and economic elites as well as the Haitian National Police (HNP), are notorious for perpetrating acts of violence, including massacres against civilians and using sexual violence against women.
Additionally, they impose ‘rents’ on neighborhoods, a form of extortion that funds their operations and enables steady recruitment from vulnerable local youth.
The deteriorating political and social landscape in Haiti has also fueled drug smuggling and mass migration, both into and away from the nation.
Amidst these crises, the Trump administration’s emphasis on securing the US southern border presents overlapping interests with the urgent need for stability in Haiti.
As President Trump entered office, he articulated his “America First” agenda, anchored by the slogan “Make Americans Safe Again” (MASA).
However, merely strengthening borders and expelling migrants cannot adequately address the gang violence driving individuals to seek refuge elsewhere.
In 2022, breaches of Trump’s so-called “virtually impenetrable” border wall occurred an average of 11 times daily, while deportations necessitate lengthy legal proceedings to differentiate criminals from asylum seekers.
Consequently, a proactive strategy is needed to dismantle the networks of gangs and their financiers to prevent further illicit flows into the United States.
Haiti’s ongoing turmoil, coupled with the Trump administration’s border security strategy, underscores the need for a re-evaluation of US policy in the region, taking into account the historical context and past missteps.
As the United States seeks to promote stability in Haiti, it is not only a moral imperative but also crucial for regional security, particularly for the Trump administration aiming to fulfill its promise to make the nation safer.
Examining the historical context of US-Haiti relations reveals a complex legacy that has significant implications for current instability.
Following its independence from France in 1804, Haiti faced significant economic challenges, including a crippling debt imposed by France and diplomatic isolation by the US.
This set the stage for the 1915-1934 US occupation of Haiti, resulting in two decades of political turmoil marked by coups and military regimes.
The occupation cultivated a culture of militarization and central authority, paving the way for authoritarian leaders such as François “Papa Doc” Duvalier.
Duvalier, with US support, implemented an oppressive regime backed by a militia known as the Tonton Macoute, which practiced violence and repression.
The Tonton Macoute, originally formed to counteract unstable military elements, morphed into a vehicle of oppression, often targeting citizens and quelling dissent.
Members were primarily recruited from impoverished backgrounds, leading them to engage in extortion and violent practices as compensation for their loyalty to the Duvalier regime.
This patronage structure continued until the ousting of Duvalier’s son, Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, in 1987.
Post-Duvalier, remnants of the Tonton Macoute disbanded yet persisted as mercenary entities, intertwining with political elites and becoming entrenched in the fabric of Haitian politics.
The lack of a functional military or operational police allowed gangs to flourish, further entrenching violence, drug trafficking, and political influence.
Over decades, these gangs have increasingly supplanted the weakened Haitian state, becoming critical players in every political transition and exerting de facto control in areas they dominate.
Fast forward to today, the dire security situation has prompted Prime Minister Ariel Henry, in 2022, to urge international partners for assistance in combating the rampant gang violence.
In response, the Biden administration committed $100 million in military aid and promised approximately $380 million to the United Nations Multinational Security Mission (MSS) aimed at stabilizing Haiti.
Intended as a 2,500-member police force led by Kenya to collaborate with the HNP, the MSS plans to reclaim gang-controlled neighborhoods for reconstruction efforts.
Yet by the first quarter of 2025, only 1,000 officers had been deployed, facing funding shortages exacerbated by the Trump administration’s cuts to US foreign aid.
Poor conditions have left MSS equipment unserviceable, resulting in delayed operations and low morale among deployed officers, some of whom have resigned.
For their part, the Haitian National Police has not exhibited the necessary capacity or willingness to cooperate effectively with the MSS.
Many police officers have not been remunerated for months, leading to personnel losses of over 3,000 since 2021.
From a national force of 15,498 officers, fewer than 9,000 are active on any given day—equating to roughly one police officer for every 1,000 residents.
Wages are so low that they have incentivized officers to accept bribes, like the leaders of the G-9 gang, who are often deeply connected to corrupt officials within the government.
The operational capacity of the HNP is also severely hindered, suffering shortages of equipment, arms, and even functional police stations.
Out of concern for stability and safety, over one million Haitians have been forced to flee internally, while nearly half a million have attempted to cross into the United States since 2021.
The dire situation is reflected in the approximately 300,000 Haitians who have been granted temporary residence under the Biden administration’s Parole in Place program.
Joint efforts between the HNP and MSS have largely failed to stem the violence and insecurity proliferating within Haiti.
Supporting agencies like the Coast Guard (CG) and the drug enforcement agency (BLTS) to combat trafficking has yielded minimal results; BLTS suffers from a lack of personnel and the CG has a non-operational fleet.
Haiti has been evaluated as a significant transshipment point for illicit narcotics headed toward the US, with cocaine and cannabis among the notable drugs transported via its largely unguarded waters.
Limited seizures reported between 2020 and 2023 likely represent a small fraction of the total narcotics trafficking, given staffing shortages and rampant corruption.
For the Trump administration to successfully “Make America Safe Again,” it must engage meaningfully with the root causes of Haiti’s crisis.
This necessitates a coalition of resources dedicated to rebuilding policing infrastructures and resourcing the MSS.
Furthermore, there should be a commitment to support Haitian civil society efforts to cultivate alternative governance structures to deter gang resurgence.
The interagency collaboration proposed in the 2018 Stabilization Assistance Review could serve as a crucial foundation for addressing these challenges.
The Review posits that stabilizing a nation, particularly one affected by violence, is inherently a political task requiring multifaceted coordination among various US departments.
Additionally, the Global Fragility Act, established in 2019, supports the overarching strategic goal of managing illegal migration issues in the Americas.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s partnerships across Latin America and the Caribbean underscore a growing recognition that transnational issues necessitate cohesive diplomatic strategies.
As the Trump administration progresses, presenting a clear commitment to follow through existing frameworks will be pivotal in addressing Haiti’s longstanding crises effectively.
Ultimately, the need for a decisive approach lies in realizing short-term tactical measures while simultaneously investing in long-term economic recovery and social stability for Haiti’s communities.
image source from：https://gjia.georgetown.edu/2025/05/27/how-the-trump-administration-can-make-the-united-states-and-haiti-safe-again/
