Washington D.C. – Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita recently undertook what could be described as a surprise visit to Washington, D.C., during which he held meetings with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and National Security Advisor Mike Waltz.
The timing of the visit was significant for two main reasons—one rooted in the international context, and the other in regional dynamics.
President Trump’s return to the White House and his administration’s ensuing series of disruptive decisions have triggered a major realignment of geostrategic maps and alliances in world politics.
Of these epochal decisions, the most recent and perhaps most implosive is the imposition of tariffs on several countries, including Morocco.
Meanwhile, the Maghreb and Sahel regions are experiencing unprecedented instability.
Most seasoned observers and analysts have largely attributed the two regions’ enduring crises to the inherent intractability of long-standing conflicts—particularly those involving Algeria and its neighbors.
For most of the past five to six decades, successive Algerian governments have relentlessly pursued a confrontational regional foreign policy.
This Algerian attitude and hegemonic projection have historically been defined by deep hostility toward Morocco.
More recently, however, it has been shaped or marked by a similarly dismissive—but relatively less hostile—attitude toward Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso.
Getting ahead of the curve
In this heated and eminently fragile regional context, and in line with Morocco’s proactive approach to foreign affairs, it was only natural for Minister Bourita to make such a visit to the US.
The highly symbolic and strategically significant trip caught many observers by surprise, given that it was unannounced and largely deviated from established diplomatic protocols.
Against the backdrop of these rapid regional and international developments, Morocco sought through this visit to clearly position itself with the new U.S. administration and to build on the momentum generated by President Trump’s recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara at the eleventh hour of his first term.
The timing of the visit—just a week before the anticipated UN Security Council meeting to discuss the report of the UN mission in the Sahara—signals Morocco’s intent to encourage Washington to use its leverage within the consequential UN Council.
Having managed in recent years to expose Algeria as the architect and perpetuator of the decades-running Western Sahara dispute, Morocco’s foremost strategic goal is now to get the UN to accelerate efforts toward a lasting resolution of this dispute.
As far as Rabat is concerned, the best way to do this is to pressure Algeria into engaging directly with the UN-sponsored political process.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s statement following his meeting with Bourita was pivotal in this regard.
It dispelled lingering doubts about the stance of Trump’s second administration and reassured Morocco of Washington’s continued commitment to its recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara.
This sent a clear message: the recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara has become a firmly established pillar of US foreign policy in this regional dispute.
Moreover, the reaffirmation of Washington’s commitment to preserving Morocco’s territorial integrity represents a major setback for Algeria.
In a sense, it is a direct signal that the U.S. is determined to build on the first Trump administration’s December 2020 proclamation in order to reactivate the stalled UN process and move toward a final resolution of the Sahara dispute in line with Morocco’s Autonomy Plan.
That is, the U.S’ deepening of its pro-Morocco stance has crucially dealt a severe blow to Algeria’s hopes of reviving its longstanding agenda of partitioning the territory between Morocco and the Polisario Front.
Indeed, vehement supporters and sympathizers of this separatist line of thought in the Sahara dossier would do well to recall that, not so long ago, Staffan de Mistura, the UN Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy for Western Sahara, discovered the hard way that separatism has become a sideline, irrelevant option in the Sahara dossier when he recently introduced a plan to portion the territory.
Meanwhile, Algeria’s response to America’s renewed commitment to its embrace of Morocco’s territorial integrity was usually swift and desperate.
Just a day after Bourita’s statement visit to Washington, the Algerian Foreign Ministry issued a statement that betrayed Algerian diplomacy’s sense of frustration and bitterness as it watched Morocco move proactively to engage the new U.S. administration and push for greater American diplomatic and political support toward ending the Sahara dispute on its terms.
After the first Trump administration officially expressed its support for Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara, the Algerian leadership was quick to dismiss the historic announcement as a fluke or a passing storm in the long, winding US foreign policy.
For Algeria and its army of paid lobbyists and ideological advocates in Washington, the December 2020 proclamation was the impulsive wish of a dying presidency whose foreign policy legacy would soon be displaced or uprooted by the then-incoming Biden presidency.
While its numerous lobbying attempts ultimately failed to get the Biden White House to reconsider the terms of US-Morocco relations, Algiers frustratingly stuck to its desperately wishful dismissal of the Trump administration’s Sahara decision.
But with Trump back in the Oval Office and Bourita’s recent visit to Washington, it has become frustratingly hard for Algerian diplomacy to ignore the gathering facts on the ground by dismissing them as either unimportant or irrelevant.
In this sense, the past few days have dealt Algeria’s narrative both a symbolic and highly strategic blow in what is shaping out to be an intense race in which the ultimate goal of every protagonist is to shape the evolving Western Sahara diplomacy in their favor.
The Need for Vigilance and Pragmatic Engagement with the Current Administration
Still, Morocco must avoid complacency or the illusion of imminence.
In other words, Moroccan diplomats must bear in mind that for all the triumphant momentum Morocco’s Autonomy Plan has gathered over the past two decades, the fact remains that there is currently no lasting or mutually satisfying resolution within reach in the near future.
It is true that since 2017, Morocco has achieved a series of landmark diplomatic breakthroughs that have shifted the regional balance of power in its favor and increasingly isolated Algeria both regionally and internationally.
As I noted in my latest book, Morocco has pulled off a remarkable “diplomatic remontada” with the growing consensus around its Autonomy Plan and its triumphant return to the African Union in January 2017.
Morocco’s country’s irrepressible continental leadership has effectively erased the gains Algeria had accumulated over previous decades and dashed any remaining Algerian hopes of establishing a satellite state in its southern provinces.
Nonetheless, any strategy toward the current U.S. administration must recognize that Trump’s second term differs significantly from his first.
In his initial presidency, Trump relied on seasoned political, military, and private sector figures with extensive experience in governance, some of whom publicly challenged his positions on foreign affairs.
By contrast, the current administration is composed of individuals whose common denominator is their absolute loyalty to the president and their commitment to implementing his agenda without questioning its rationale.
President Trump, now surrounded by a small and trusted circle of advisors, is the ultimate authority on domestic and foreign policy.
As such, it is imperative for Morocco to secure direct access to the president by establishing a smooth and consistent communication channel with his senior aides, as well as his family members.
This will be essential to maintaining U.S. support for Morocco’s Sahara position and countering Algeria’s recent efforts to erode that support and reverse the diplomatic momentum Morocco has built over the past two decades.
In anticipation of Trump’s return to power, Algeria signed in October 2024 a lobbying contract with BGR Group, a firm known for its close ties to the Republican Party and the Jewish lobby in Washington.
Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, for example, is one of the firm’s senior advisors.
In a related move, Algeria signed in January a Memorandum of Understanding with the U.S. Department that will allow it to purchase American-made weapons in the future.
This was a surprising development, given that Russia had been Algeria’s primary arms supplier for over six decades.
Equally important, Algeria’s ambassador in Washington, Sabri Boukadoum, has intensified his media engagement, recently organizing two high-profile press events within just two months—both coordinated with the support of BGR Group.
If Algeria’s current diplomatic activism signals anything, it is that the country is willing to go to any lengths—sacrificing everything, no matter how valuable—to prevent Morocco from making decisive strides toward resolving the Western Sahara dispute.
Recognizing that President Trump approaches politics through the lens of interests, transactions, and business deals, Algeria has launched a targeted campaign in Washington to forge closer ties to the president and his inner circle.
The objective is to get into President Trump’s good graces and dissuade him from taking any further steps that would favor Morocco, thereby preventing Rabat from capitalizing on the diplomatic momentum it gained following the first Trump administration’s recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara.
Algeria is well aware that Morocco was counting on Trump’s return to the White House to secure additional and more consequential political gains from Washington.
It knows, too, that Moroccan diplomacy’s utmost ambition is to achieve with the US what it has done with France in recent months: getting the second Trump administration to open a consulate in the Sahara, encourage major American companies to invest in the region, and allow high-level U.S. officials to visit the Sahara.
Given the improbability of convincing President Trump to reverse his recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty, Algeria now seems to be focused on limiting the implications of his December 2020 proclamation in favor of the Moroccanness of the Sahara.
Specifically, it aims to persuade the U.S. administration not to open a consulate in the region and to refrain from exerting further pressure within the UN Security Council to push it to fully participate in the UN-led political process.
Additionally, Algeria seeks to thwart any Moroccan attempt to convince the U.S. to classify the Polisario Front as a terrorist organization.
Leveraging Morocco’s Strategic Assets Effectively
To preserve its diplomatic achievements and secure further gains over the next four years, Morocco should undertake a realistic and pragmatic reading of the strategic cards it holds—those that could tip the balance in its favor.
The first step is to acknowledge that the familiar political rhetoric it has used in the past—such as highlighting that Morocco was the first country to recognize the United States—no longer carries much weight in the current American political climate.
What will strengthen Morocco’s position in Washington today is not emotional or ceremonial discourse, but tangible offerings—privileges, strategic deals, and economic incentives that could prompt the U.S. administration to take new steps that reinforce Morocco’s past diplomatic gains.
Contrary to what many Moroccans may think of Morocco’s diplomatic weight, the North African kingdom already boasts strategic assets that can not only help maintain U.S. support for its sovereignty over the Western Sahara, but could also actually prompt Washington to adopt even bolder positions likely to accelerate the resolution to the dispute.
Chief among these assets are Morocco’s precious and rare earth minerals, which have become—and will increasingly become—the backbone of the global economy, and potentially a cause for future regional or even global confrontations.
In particular, phosphate, cobalt, manganese, copper, nickel, lithium, silver—which Morocco holds in large quantities—are vital to high technology industries.
Morocco is also home to other rare earths minerals that are essential to the development of cutting-edge military technologies.
For example, one component of phosphate is a key material used in manufacturing lithium batteries, which power mobile phones, laptops, electric vehicles, and many other technological products.
What is true of phosphate applies equally to cobalt, of which Morocco is also a major producer.
In addition to his efforts to reduce the U.S. federal budget deficit, one of President Trump’s key strategic objectives—whether in the short, medium, and long terms—is to reduce the American technology industry’s dependence on China, which currently supplies the United States with over 80 percent of its rare earth mineral needs.
Amid intense competition between the two preeminent global powers, and Washington’s manifest determination to curb Beijing’s growing economic influence, the U.S. administration is actively seeking alternative suppliers in this vital sector.
President Trump’s repeated statements about his desire for the United States to acquire Greenland were not random or coincidental.
Rather, they were driven by a pressing need to secure alternative sources of rare minerals, which would gradually allow the U.S. to reduce its dependency on China.
It is precisely this strategic thinking that was at play in President Trump’s plan to end the war in Ukraine.
Indeed, the motivation behind Trump’s efforts to end the war between Russia and Ukraine, and his interest in signing an agreement with Kyiv to exploit its rare mineral riches, is the same motivation that underpinned his desire to control Greenland.
Underneath what is often mistaken for Trump’s impetuous diplomacy is the United States’ increasing realization that as long as it remains dependent on Chinese rare earth minerals for its industrial production, it can neither maintain its global leadership in high technology and weapons production, nor effectively counter China’s rapid advances in these areas.
In this context, the current global landscape presents Morocco with a golden opportunity to position itself strongly within the global rare earth minerals supply chains while establishing itself as a reliable alternative for the American market.
The institutional strength of Moroccan-American relations, their alignment on most international issues, the fact that Morocco is the only African country that has a free trade agreement with the United States and that is well integrated in the global supply chains are some of the cards Morocco can effectively use to get in the good graces of the second Trump administration’s manifestly transactional approach to politics and diplomacy.
If Morocco can manage to play its cards skillfully, it will not only be able to strengthen its strategic partnership with Washington, but it could also expand its regional and international influence and standing.
Considering this overly personal brand of President Trump’s vision of politics—particularly his preference for making bold, headline-grabbing announcements about achievements that benefit the American economy, and his self-styled image as a president who delivers major deals—Morocco should take a page from certain Arab countries that have rushed to declare their intention to make major investments in the U.S. economy.
As Foreign Policy editor-in-chief Ravi Agrawal has put it, what matters for Trump is to be “seen as a winner, even when he isn’t.”
In this spirit, Morocco should consider entering into large-scale commercial agreements with American companies in the field of rare earth mineral exploration, and publicly announce a timeline for the commencement of their extraction and exploitation.
Reassessing Public Diplomacy and Media Engagement
As I have emphatically suggested here and elsewhere, Moroccan diplomacy has made some remarkable breakthroughs in the past two decades, especially since the country returned to the African Union in 2017.
But despite this period of sustained momentum, a critical shortcoming remains: limited influence in public diplomacy and media outreach, notably in Washington, which continues to be the world’s primary center of decision-making.
It would be unjust to downplay the immense efforts Moroccan diplomacy has made at all levels to secure the significant gains it has achieved in recent years.
I can personally and objectively attest to the outstanding work of Moroccan diplomats at the United Nations during my tenure within that institution.
I also witnessed them consistently displaying dedication, professionalism, and admirable commitment in fulfilling their duties and defending their country’s interests in the face of so many challenges.
What I have observed in New York applies equally to Washington, where Morocco has made important diplomatic inroads in recent years.
With Bourita at the helm of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Moroccan diplomacy has certainly seen some of its most consequential and epochal breakthroughs over the past decade.
In fact, it is safe to say that given what Moroccan diplomacy has achieved under his watch, from Morocco’s growing continental leadership to the unequivocal recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara by France, Spain, and the United States, to the opening of consulates in the territory, Bourita has already established himself as one of the most successful and consequential officials in Morocco’s recent history.
However, these successes should not blind us to the serious gaps in how Moroccan diplomacy communicates with external stakeholders.
Public diplomacy, particularly in the areas of cultural and academic exchanges, and visibility and participation in US think tanks and research institutions, remains one of the major shortcomings of Moroccan diplomacy in Washington, D.C.
It is impossible to build meaningful and lasting relationships with influential actors in the American political, media, and academic landscapes while there is a perception within the think tank and diplomatic community that some Moroccan diplomats still have an outdated, out-of-touch approach to the practice of diplomacy.
To give credit where it is due, Moroccan diplomats in Washington go above and beyond in their efforts to advance Morocco’s strategic interests.
There is a strong sense within the Moroccan diaspora that Ambassador Youssef Amrani—like his predecessor Princess Lalla Joumala—is a warm, well-meaning, savvy, and diligent diplomat.
I have known him personally for many years and can attest to the outstanding work he has done on behalf of Morocco, as well as his unwavering commitment to amplifying the country’s voice in Washington, D.C.
Still, there is a persistent perception within the American think tank, diplomatic, and media community that Moroccan diplomacy in Washington could do more in terms of responsiveness, visibility, and engagement.
Over the past years and months, friends in this community have shared with me and other Washington-based Moroccans working in media and political consulting their confusion at Morocco’s perceived lack of responsiveness and sporadic participation in political and cultural initiatives hosted by American institutions.
I am talking here about precisely the kind of cultural, academic, and public relations outreach initiatives in which most other countries actively participate to promote their narratives and interests among U.S. policymakers and opinion leaders.
Despite Morocco’s notable diplomatic accomplishments in Washington over the past few years, it cannot effectively project its voice or influence decision-makers and thought leaders if it remains largely invisible in the academic, media, and policy research scenes—as has been the case for decades.
This lack of presence is especially troubling considering the importance and sensitivity of the utmost national cause (the Sahara issue) that Morocco has been striving to win.
Until Morocco decisively settles this protracted dispute over its southern provinces, it cannot fully focus its resources on building a better future for its people.
In this sense, there is no greater cause or greater mission or portfolio for any Moroccan official than to work tirelessly to bring this Western Sahara file to a conclusion.
Success in this field depends not only on academic qualifications, communication skills, and social acumen but also on adequate material resources that empower diplomats to fulfill their missions effectively and professionally.
Establishing a working relationship with even one person at a think tank, congressional office, or major newspaper requires multiple meetings, often held in settings like lounges or restaurants suitable for diplomatic interaction—settings that can cost hundreds of dollars per engagement.
For a country like Morocco, which should deepen its connections with influential figures in the political, media, and policy ecosystem in Washington, this kind of relationship-building requires substantial financial backing.
Frustratingly, my interactions with friends and acquaintances suggest that many Moroccan diplomats currently lack access to this kind of support mechanism.
Strengthening partnerships with the think tank community
Morocco should urgently address this shortcoming in its diplomatic advocacy in order to accelerate the resolution of the Western Sahara dispute.
A key step in this direction is to strengthen ties with think tanks by launching joint partnerships and inviting representatives from these institutions to join delegations visiting Morocco.
During such visits, these thought leaders could be introduced to Morocco’s foreign policy priorities, its rich culture and history, and—perhaps most importantly—engage in meetings with Moroccan officials, as well as their peers from the local think tank and academic communities, and the population of the southern provinces.
As part of these partnerships, Moroccan academics, experts, and thought leaders should also be regularly invited to Washington, D.C., to engage with the American think tank and media community about Morocco’s foreign policy, its longstanding partnership with the United States, and its strategic vision for Africa.
Moreover, Morocco’s narrative would be better served through the holding of private and public roundtables with members of Congress, influential pundits, academic and other opinion-makers.
While Rabat should continue to maintain and strengthen its relations with other major powers as a hedge against possible changes in US policy, America’s enduring preeminence in global affairs makes it perhaps the most indispensable ally for Morocco in its quest to resolve the Sahara dispute.
As such, the longer Morocco has a muted presence in the American media scene and think tank ecosystem, the more opportunities its political adversaries have to fill that void and carry out communication efforts that would ultimately enable them to undermine the diplomatic momentum Morocco has built in recent years.
A well-informed source recently informed me of an instance where Algerian diplomats in Washington capitalized on the perceived slow responsiveness of their Moroccan counterparts to launch a multi-million-dollar program with an influential think tank.
Naturally, as part of this program, the think tank will provide Algeria with a platform to publish policy papers that support its political agenda.
Washington-based think tanks play a pivotal role in shaping the perceptions and positions of members of Congress, U.S. federal departments, and the media.
Very often, the talking points or policy briefs produced by these think tanks serve as the primary reference upon which senior U.S. officials base their positions on various international issues.
These institutions also provide regular briefings to various government agencies, including the State Department and the Department of Defense, and have a profound impact on their orientations.
Very often, senior members of US administration receive briefings on foreign policy issues ahead of meetings with their foreign counterparts.
Strengthening ties with Key Congress Committees
In addition to improving communication with political and media actors in Washington, one of the most important areas that Morocco should work on is strengthening its presence in terms of outreach to the various components of both chambers of Congress—particularly the foreign relations/affairs, defense, and appropriations committees—in order to strengthen institutional relations between the two countries.
It is also essential that these relationships be strengthened on a bipartisan basis, rather than being limited to the Republican Party alone in a way that transcends and outlives Trump’s presidency.
Adopting such an approach would allow Morocco to build a strategic hedge against the cyclical shifts in U.S. administrations, thus ensuring continuity and stability in its relations with Washington regardless of who occupies the White House.
Moroccan officials should regularly and systematically organize visits for members of Congress and their staffers to Morocco, provide them with books, booklets, and talking points that substantiate Morocco’s position.
While members of Congress carry decisive weight in U.S. policymaking, their staff members should be the essential linchpin in the strategy of any country seeking to influence America’s foreign policy agenda.
These are the individuals who craft the talking points for their bosses, draft the bills introduced in Congress, and write the letters sent to the Administration to advocate for various issues.
They also often manage their offices’ public messaging, including posts on social media platforms like X.
As such, strengthening relationships with congressional staffers on both sides of the aisle would make it significantly easier for Morocco to capture the attention of members of Congress and firmly anchor its narrative across the political spectrum.
In addition, Rabat should push its allies in Congress to organize hearings within the aforementioned committees and to bring in witnesses who could influence members of Congress.
This would help prepare the ground to reinforce Morocco’s narrative on priority issues—most notably the Sahara issue.
Last but not least, high-ranking Moroccan diplomats, especially ambassadors and senior political advisors, should also hold periodic briefings on Morocco’s positions on various international or regional issues.
Moroccan officials have long pointed out Algeria’s refusal to conduct a census of the Sahrawis in the Tindouf camps to determine their actual number and their ties to the Sahara.
They also usually lament the Polisario leadership’s systematic embezzlement of humanitarian aid intended for the Tindouf camps, as well as Algeria’s imposition of severe restrictions on the freedom of movement of the Sahrawis living in Tindouf.
But what has the Moroccan government done over the past decades to drive this message home and build support within the U.S. Congress for its position?
In other words, what has it done to forcefully prompt American lawmakers to pressure Algeria into complying with UN Security Council resolutions?
Such critically important bipartisan support in Washington can only be achieved if Morocco works closely with its allies in Congress to organize regular hearings that brief legislators on the realities on the ground.
For instance, Moroccan diplomats should work tirelessly throughout the year to encourage their allies in Congress, such as the Moroccan Caucus, to send letters to the U.S. administration condemning Algeria’s malign and destabilizing behavior in the region, as well as its continued hostility toward Morocco and its Sub-Saharan neighbors.
This effort should go hand-in-hand with encouraging congressional allies to introduce draft legislation addressing Algeria’s malignant actions in the Sahara dossier and the evolving situation in the Sahel.
While such bills may not always garner sufficient support to be enacted into law, pursuing this strategy would help keep Algeria under sustained pressure.
In doing so, Morocco would contribute to shaping a narrative that firmly positions Algeria as a malign actor and a serious threat to peace and stability in a region of critical geostrategic importance to Morocco and its key allies—notably, the United States.
Over the past five years, the Polisario Front has repeatedly broken the ceasefire and launched attacks on Moroccan targets.
This should have been an opportunity for Morocco to step up its efforts in Washington.
Morocco should have actively pushed its allies in Congress to introduce legislation classifying the Polisario as a terrorist organization and condemning Algeria for providing it with safe haven and logistical support to conduct military operations against Moroccan territory and interests.
These efforts should not be limited to the federal level.
They should also extend to state legislatures across the U.S., where local voices can reinforce national advocacy.
For over five decades, Algeria has spared no effort in sowing instability in Morocco, working to undermine the kingdom’s sovereignty and weaken the monarchy itself.
Now, as geopolitical dynamics are shifting to Morocco’s favor, Rabat should seize the momentum it has built in Washington and other global capitals to inflict further strategic losses on Algeria—ones that compel it to abandon its long-standing hostility.
At the current juncture, with Morocco’s autonomy plan on the ascendancy and Algeria planning to emerge from the deadly diplomatic setbacks it has suffered over the past five years, Rabat’s ultimate goal should be to administer to its eastern neighbor the kind of coup de grace that will force it to reconsider its unrealistic ambitions in southern Morocco.
One sure way to do this is to keep Algeria under sustained diplomatic pressure, deepen its regional and international isolation, and confront it at every level with the same ferocity and determination it has shown in decades of hostility to Moroccan territorial integrity.
This shift toward a more aggressive and result-oriented diplomatic strategy in Washington could enable Morocco to achieve three main strategic goals: classify the Polisario as a terrorist organization, defund MINURSO, and oppose the nomination of any successor to Staffan de Mistura.
Leveraging the Moroccan community in the U.S.
Equally important, Moroccan officials should leverage the invaluable expertise and personal networks of the Moroccan diaspora living in Washington, D.C., and across the United States.
In one of his recent speeches, King Mohammed VI called on the government to draw upon the knowledge and capabilities of the Moroccan diaspora to advance the country’s strategic interests, most notably the defense and preservation of its territorial integrity.
To achieve this, the Moroccan embassy in Washington should establish a regular process for identifying, mapping, and engaging Moroccan professionals across all sectors.
There are Moroccans working at NASA, at top American universities, in different branches of the U.S. government, and in leading high-tech companies—just to name a few.
These individuals have built influential networks that could be mobilized to support Morocco’s interests on multiple fronts, far beyond the Sahara issue alone.
Having lived in the U.S. for decades, many members of this diaspora are intimately familiar with the American political system and mindset.
Their insight could prove invaluable in shaping effective strategies to promote Morocco’s goals within the Washington Beltway.
Drawing inspiration from other countries
Morocco should draw inspiration from the experience of some countries that, through the influence they built within the various influential committees of both chambers of Congress, have been able to craft narratives that serve their interests and keep their opponents under constant pressure.
Although some of these countries do not advocate moral positions or positions whose legitimacy is supported by historical facts, the effective presence of their narrative in the American marketplace of ideas has given their cause a veneer of truth and moral respectability.
Through repeated hearings organized by their allies in Congress and through their friends in the media and think tanks, they have succeeded in creating the impression in Congress and in the broader American political and media scene that they are both on the good or moral side of their fight and among the most important U.S. allies in the region.
It is inconceivable that while Algeria continues to commit mistake after mistake and pursues policies that threaten regional stability—whether in the Maghreb or in the Sahel—Morocco has consistently missed the opportunity to organize congressional hearings to inform U.S. lawmakers about Algeria’s destructive policies and their impact on U.S. interests and those of American allies in the region.
If Morocco aims to expedite the resolution of the Sahara conflict and achieve new and decisive breakthroughs, it should take advantage of every card and opportunity available to it.
Anyone familiar with the American political and media scene knows that Morocco can achieve these goals in a short period of time if it plays its cards right.
This is especially true given the fact that Morocco, despite its limited visibility in the media landscape, enjoys a great deal of respect among broad segments of the American public.
Moreover, Morocco should work to strengthen high-level exchange visits with the various components of the U.S. government.
It is a truth, universally acknowledged, that personal relationships always play a significant role in shaping a country’s stance toward another.
And this is particularly true of the current administration, with President Trump and his top advisors’ business-like conception of politics a game of value-free transactions.
Morocco’s ability to secure new gains with this administration will, therefore, depend on the extent to which it implements a multidimensional strategy that, while capitalizing on the long history of strong relations between Washington and Rabat, ultimately convinces the second Trump administration that it is a good and reliable friend to have as they strive to ‘make America great again.’
In doing so, Moroccan diplomats should persuade America’s president that their country is one of the biggest buyers of whatever his administration is selling, but that it will also help accelerate the realization of his ‘grand vision’ for the world and for America.
Despite the strategic and historical depth of its friendship with the United States, Morocco has long settled for so little when it comes to gaining American support for its most important priorities and interests.
This mindset of humbly taking whatever the U.S. is willing to give is so strong that Moroccans often show excessive joy when, once in a blue moon, an American congressman, pundit, or journalist says something positive about Morocco.
But this is not how Morocco can win the narrative war that lies ahead as it pushes to deepen international recognition (or normalization) of its sovereignty over its southern provinces.
Morocco cannot hope to fulfill its ambitions of becoming a regional middle power while maintaining such a low profile in Washington.
Morocco is bigger than that.
It should therefore aim higher by engaging influential policymakers, opinion makers, journalists, and researchers on an ongoing and strategic basis.
With the winds of history unmistakably blowing in Morocco’s favor, it should capitalize on the positive momentum it has built up in recent years to bring the Sahara dispute to a final and just resolution.
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